Valency change in Bumthang, and the grammaticalisations of ‘give’

Full abstract: This talk examines parallel grammaticalisations of ‘give’ in Bumthang, a central Bhutanese language. Based on original data collected from the Ura dialect, we show that benefactive and causative constructions are morphosyntactically distinct, despite both requiring ‘give’ as their inflecting verb. An intermediate construction, using the morphology of the benefactive but with clear assistive readings, provides a possible bridge between the benefactive and the causative readings. While it is not unusual to find ‘give’ grammaticalising to form a benefactive construction, the grammaticalisation of ‘give’ as a causative in Eurasia has mostly been reported for languages further east.

The verb bi ‘give’ is used prototypically to express physical transfer of an object. This ungrammaticised usage can be seen in (1). In (2), we see ‘give’ controlling a verb that is marked with the sequential suffix -zé, resulting in a monoclausal construction with a beneficiary added. (3) shows that a benefactive interpretation applies even when there is no physical transfer involved, establishing the grammaticalisation of the verb. An ungrammaticalised sentence using both kher ‘make’ and bi ‘give’ is given in (4), showing a different, and more transparently biclausal, order of elements.

(1) Ama-i ngado tiru bi-s ama=i nga-do tiru bi-s mother=ERG 1SG-ALL money give-PFV.PERS ‘(My) mother gave me some money.’

(2) Sonami Lekdenró pudu kherzé bis. sonam=i lekden=ró pudu kher-zé bi-s Sonam=ERG Lekden=ALL noodles make-SEQ ‘give’-PFV.PERS ‘Sonam made noodles for Lekden.’

(3) Ngai amaró ludi thungzi bis. nga-i ama=ró lu=di thung-zi bi-s. 1SG-ERG mother=ALL song=SPEC do-SEQ ‘give’-PFV.PERS ‘I sang for my mother.’

(4) Sonami pudu kherzé Lekdenró bis. sonam=i pudu kher-zé lekden=ró bi-s Sonam=ERG noodles make-SEQ Lekden=ALL give-PFV.PERS ‘Sonam made noodles and gave (them) to Lekden.’

In (5), bi ‘give’ controls an embedded verb marked with an infinitive suffix, forming a causative construction. In (6) we see an example in which the controlled verb uses the sequential suffix, yet the interpretation involves causation: the subject of gin ‘wear’ is ama ‘mother’, not Sonam. Here, the causee is benefitting from the action as well as being assisted in the successful completion of it.

(5) Gon khwégi dégó bina. gon khwé=gi dék=ó bi-na. 3SG.ABS water=ERG scared=INF ‘give’-PFV.IMPERS ‘The water scared him.’

(6) Sonami amaró chuba ginzi bis. sonam=i ama=ró chuba gin-zi bi-s. Sonam=ERG mother=ALL gho wear-SEQ give-PFV.PERS ‘Sonam helped her mother wear a gho.’

Valency changing devices in Eurasia typically involve addition of an A (causative), or loss of it (passive), while constructions adding a P argument (applicative) are only commonly found in languages spoken near the Naga hills between India and Myanmar. With a lack of valency-decreasing devices, and the grammaticalisation of ‘give’ for both causative and applicative functions, Bumthang stands out as a language with a verbal typology unusual for its region.