Less inflectional categories are found in negated clauses than are found in affirmative clauses in Bumthang, a Tibeto-Burman language of Bhutan.
This talk discusses and accounts for instances in which the comparative is instead less marked than the positive, focusing on Bumthang, a Tibeto-Burman language of Bhutan.
With a lack of valency-decreasing devices, and the grammaticalisation of ‘give’ for both causative and applicative functions, Bumthang stands out as a language with a verbal typology unusual for its region.
The comparative verb in Bumthang provides us with a counterexample to acknowledged typological tendencies and an additional strategy of coding comparison cross-linguistically.
Bumthang data allows us to gain an insight into unusual ways of encoding property modification as well as a glimpse into how newer adjective classes co-exist amongst older verbal and nominal modification strategies.
In this thesis, I investigate the word class system in Bumthang, a Tibeto-Burman language from central Bhutan. The status of the three major word classes in Bumthang allows us to uncover language-internal regularities and compare cross-linguistic coding strategies.
The unusual order of constituents in the Bumthang noun phrase helps us map the pre-history of the Himalaya.
We find that negated clauses in Bumthang contrast with their positive counterparts in terms of both case marking on transitive subjects and on aspect marking on verbs.
The noun phrase structure in Bumthang can help us fill in the blanks of Himalayan and central Asian history.